Time for Northern independence

“Bradley Wiggins wins gold for Great Britain…” If the national media is to be believed this proclamation earmarked a proud moment for Britain, England, and the North, putting the home of the Chorley Cake on the map and inspiring legions of bright young Northern athletes.

Even ignoring the fact that 65% of Northerners don’t believe the Olympics will benefit them in any way (with 50% not interested in watching a single event), the recent successes of Northern athletes under the banner of Team GB should not mask the fact that Britain is deeply divided. As Scotland looks towards independence it must be asked whether the North would be happier with greater autonomy.

But surely, you might ask, isn’t our nation stronger if we stand together, rather than weakened through division? However, the North’s present situation is far from ideal: children
from the Lakes to the Pennines are faced with the prospect of a life of low-wages, poor job security and an earlier grave than their Southern compatriots.

Tragically, this is not due to nature or luck but the policy decisions of successive governments. The unnecessary speed in which the industrial sector was crushed has not only destroyed swathes of communities across England, but has unbalanced the economy in favour
of a tiny section of London, solidifying economic and political power within the confines of our capital.

Although New Labour failed many of its supporters in the North, fierce hostility to the Conservative Party courses through the veins of every Northerner. Only 11% believe that the Tories understand the North, whilst 75% think that they represent the region badly. It is evident that whilst the South appoints the Tories to the throne of power, it is the Northern populace which suffers the greater hardship.

Many fellow socialists would argue that this is not a regional concern but a class issue. However, YouGov polls actually show that skilled manual workers in the North heavily favour Labour policies compared to their work mates in the South, who favour that of the Tories.

With greater autonomy the North could choose its own path; voting patterns suggest it would be
in favour of progressive taxation, state-led industrial growth, and a reversal of damaging privatisation as the Labour party would be freed from the shackles of ‘Middle England’ (always a code-word for Southern voters).

Scotland and the North could be progressive beacons, whilst also freeing the South from ‘bankrolling England’. This would reverse the infantilisation of the supposedly ‘beggar
thy neighbour’ North. Surely if the North is a drain on London and its satellite regions’ resources then its freedom would be fully supported by Tories and Southerners alike?

But being a realistic salt-of-theearth Northerner (yes, stereotypes can come in handy) it must be remembered that even the best efforts of Lord Prescott himself could not convince the North-East of the benefits of devolution. The motion was resoundly beaten with a 78% ‘No’ vote.

However, times have changed. The impact of public sector cuts is being felt most heavily in the North, whilst the success of Scottish and Welsh devolution since Prescott’s folly has not been ignored. Naturally, there are logistical issues such as where the North actually begins
(when you start calling ‘dinner’ tea is a simple dividing line) and what form this greater autonomy would take.

That said, there must be greater debate about how we might be better represented. We are increasingly viewing ourselves as Lancastrians, Brummies, Scousers, Mancunians or Geordies first, Northerners second, and, at a push, Britons third. The members of The Communist Party of Central Lancashire may dream of an independent ‘Democratic Socialist Republic of Northern
England’. But it shall always remain as such: a dream, where men don their flat caps on their way to the worker-controlled textile mill, and sing the Internationale with a heavy Yorkshire twang.

However, a realistic alternative does exist; a more autonomous North, weaved together by progressive principles and local solidarity. The opportunity provided by this aggressive, Southern-based government must be used to send a cry down every terraced street, struggling council estate, and Pennine path; “Northerners of Britain unite, you have nothing to lose but Chingford!”